Fascism in Russia has many components and can be analyzed in a more extensive study or in a book like Senfields' 'Russian Fascism'. In such a restrictive study I try to give a brief idea about the speculations or realities concerning fascist threat in Russia. So in the first part it is given generally the attitudes of fascist groups, governmental policies against them and Russian people's perception of fascism.
It was impossible for me to give information about all the fascist organizations. Therefore thanks to the presentation of Alexander Verkhovsky I give a classification of the organizations in the second part at least to draw a general picture of the composition. After this classification to give an example of the various groups following neo-Nazi ideology and activities in Russia, skinheads are briefly defined in the third part.
In the fourth part, as my main focus, I try to make a comparison between the most effective parties of Russia in the fascist arena, the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) and the Russian National Unity (RNE) and between their leaders, Alexander Barkashov and Vladimir Zhirinovsky, after defining their policies with references to the stances of their leaders.
A. Introduction To Russian Fascism
In 1996 Russia' Presidential Commission on Human Rights reported that 'more than ninety radical right-wing groups were active in the Russian Federation. Together they published some 150 periodicals propagating fascism, militant nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism. Extremist organizations and their ideas had begun to penetrate trade unions, the military, law-enforcement agencies, and institutions of higher education. The growth of militarized extremist groups, posed an increasingly serious threat to Russia's tenuous democratic order'.
The post-Soviet era has seen the rise of a variety of extremist nationalist political movements some of them paramilitary organizations of openly neo-Fascist or neo-Nazi persuasions. Extreme xenophobia, anti-Semitism and an active interest in overthrowing the government and taking power by force characterize these organizations.
The general claim is that there is little social or governmental opposition to them. For example a policy of non-enforcement of the law against evident manifestations of anti-Semitism continued in 2000 according to the Anti Defamation League's report.
On 27 June 2002 Russia passed its extremism law. The move came after an upsurge in violence in major cities against foreigners and ethnic groups from southern parts of the former Soviet Union. In fact Russia has had a law banning extremism. Article 282 of the Russia's Criminal Code prohibits actions that 'incite ethnic, racial [or] religious hatred,' or even those that 'assert one's superiority of inferiority based on religion, ethnic or religious affiliation.' Therefore it is claimed by some human rights and Jewish organizations that what is missing is the willingness and the commitment on the part of local authorities to enforce the law.
On the other hand, neo-fascist groups generally blame Jews for the country's economic problems and some, like Communist Party member General Albert Makashov, advocate the establishment of a quota on the number of Jews allowed in Russia or call for ethnic quotas in government post. He also wrote, in the nationalist Zavtra, that a 'Yid (means Jew) is a bloodsucker feeding on the misfortunes of other people; they drink the blood of the indigenous peoples of the state'. So it can be easily realized that there is a 'Jewish factor' in the issue of Russian neo-Fascism. Both most of the neo-Fascist groups emphasize on anti-Semitism and most of the studies and researches about these groups are made by the Jewish organizations. However, the reports of international organizations, such as Amnesty International, say the similar things.
According to the Amnesty International's report covering events from January-December 2003 in Russian Federation, the abuses faced by members of ethnic minorities included arbitrary detention and ill-treatment; the denial of citizenship, and therefore associated rights and benefits, on grounds of race; and racist attacks against asylum-seekers and refugees. Thousands of Meskhetians living in Krasnodar Territory continued to be refused Russian citizenship on grounds of ethnicity. Racist attacks were widespread, although many were not reported to the police. Victims feared further abuse and police generaly failed to pursue allegations of racist violence adequately.
On September 2002, the Justice Ministry registered a new political party- the National Great Power Party of Russia (NDPR) whose leaders anti-Semitic and xenophobic. With this registration the NDPR became the first openly extremist party to be granted state registration. Another example Governor Tkachev from the Krasnodar region of Russia has said that only people with last names ending in '-ev' or '-ov' may live in this region. Citizens with last names ending in '-dze' or '-shvili' may not live in this area. Additionally, the unprecedented pogrom in Moscow after the defeat of the Russian soccer team at the world championship, or realization of the new migration policy which has made the position of foreign workers very complicated, have been generally referenced as the examples of a general attitude when the question comes to the Russian fascism and its effects in the society and the policies of the government.
There are many sign of the problem. For example the first four surveys, commissioned by the Moscow local authority in April 2003, in order to gauge the city's image abroad, has found that foreigners living in Russia consider the police the greatest threat to their personal safety. According to another survey, made by the Foundation of 'Obshchestvennoe meniye' (Public meaning) among 1500 Russians from urban and rural places, 29% of the questioned persons confess that they feel irritated by some nationalities. Meanwhile, the question 'Has the migration of some nationalities to your region district or town has to be limited in your opinion?' was answered in the affirmative by 63%.
Andrei Kolesnikov also mentions about a 'gray mass', emerged as a result of popularization of fascism in political arena and media, which is discontent about foreigners, mostly immigrant workers. Thus, even if there is not a real threat that 'Russian Fascism coming into power', there is a reality of neo-Fascism in Russian society and governmental policies.
Now I want to continue with the classification of 'national-patriotic movements', as they call themselves.
B. Classification
The largest organizations can be listed as: Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), Russian National Unity (RNE), National Bolshevik Party (NBP), Movement in Support of the Army, Cossack Troops.
The following classifications are made both to mention names of all main extremist, fascist organizations in Russia (of course not all the groups like small ones) and to give a brief idea about them rather than explaining each of them in detail.
According to the criteria of the size of the core-group and the leaders' ability to organize publicly meaningful events, the medium-sized organizarions are as follows:
- Peoples Defense led by Sergei Schekatikhin (thanks to the newspaper 'Our Motherland');
- National People's Party (NPP) led by Alekander Ivanov-Sukharevsk;
- National Republican Party of Russia (NRPR) led by Yuri Belyaev;
- Motherland led by NikolaiKondratenko;
- National Patriotic Front (NPF) 'Pamyat' ('Rememberence') led by Dimitry Vasilyev (thanks to the priory acquired prominence of the name and of the leader himself);
- Russian Nationalist Socialist Party (RNSP) led by Konstantin Kasimovsky (thanks to their strong ties with the skinheads);
- Russian Party led by Vladimir Miloserdov (thanks to the CPRF's patronage);
- Russian All-National Union (RONS) led by Igor Artyomov;
- Russian National Liberation Movement (NROD) led by Oleg Gusev and Roman Perin thanks to their newspaper 'For the Russian Cause');
- Russian People's Union led by Stanislav Terentyev and Idor Kuznetsov (thanks to Volgograd newspaper 'Kolokol' ('The Bell'));
- Union 'Christian Revival' (SKhV) led by Vladimir Osipov;
- Union of Wends led by Victor Bezverkhy;
- Movement 'Spas' ('Christ the Savior') led by Vladimir Davidenko (thanks to their scandalous participation in the elections 1999);
- The Black Hundred led by Alexander Shtilmark;
- Newspaper 'Tomorrow' led by Alexander Prokhanov.
Another classification is made according to the context of ideology: the ethno-nationalists and the imperials. The organizations that have imperialistic ideology can be listed as:
- the LDPR;
- the National Bolshevik Party (both Limanov and Dugin);
- 'Tommorrow' newspaper;
- Union of Officers and Derzhavnaya (Power) Party led by Stanislav Terekhov;
- 'Golden Lion' association of publicists
- 'Revival' led by Valery Skurlatov.
On the other side, there are organizations that are aggresively ethno-nationalist:
- Russian National Unity;
- People's Defense;
- National People' Party;
- National Republican Party of Russia;
- Russian National Socialist Party;
- Russian National Liberation Movement;
- Union of Wends;
- Russian People's Union;
- The Black Hundred;
- Church of Nav' led by Ilya Lazarenko;
- Russian Patriotic People's Movement led by Alexander Federov;
- a nuber of skinhead groups (such as Moscow Skin-Legion, Blood and Honor, Russian Aim, Russian first, etc.)
It should also be listed the organizations that practice violence on political, racial, national (in the sense of ethnic) and religious grounds:
- Cossack Troops of the South of Russia;
- National Republican Party of Russia;
- Skinhead groups;
- Russian National Unity (in certain cases);
- Russian National Socialist Party;
- The Black Hundred.
In additoin to these, the following organizations have militarized units:
- Union of Officers;
- Vasilyev's 'Pamyat';
- Numerous small groups of tentatively Nazi orientation;
- and presumably the Movement in Support of the Army.
Here is another classification with the organizations making propaganda of violence:
- Limanov's Party and other groups of National-Bolshevik orientation;
- Movement in Support of the Army (primarily on the account of A. Makashov);
- The Church of Nav';
- Liberal Democratic Party (but only concerning V. Zhirinovsky's own statements);
- People's National Party;
- Movement 'Word and Action' led y Herman Sterligov;
- Russian National Liberation Movement and other politicized neo-pagans;
- Russian People's Unions.
Religious self-identification is very important for the national-patriots. These are some active neo-pagan groups:
- Union of Wends;
- Russian National Liberation Movement and its adjacent pagan Groups;
- The Church of Nav'
On the other hand the following groups can be characterized as 'churchly':
- 'Pamyat';
- 'Christian Revival' Union;
- Russian All-National Union;
- Front 'Pamyat';
- Russian National Council led by Alexander Sterligov;
- The Black Hundred;
- Movement 'For Faith and Motherland'led by hieromonk Nikon (Sergei Belavenets);
- Movement 'Word and Action'.
There are 200-300 extremist political publications in circulation many of which is not registered with the authorities. Best known examples are included the newspapers: Zavtra (Tomorrow), Russky vzglyad (Russian View), Za ruskoe delo (For the Russian Cause), Kolokol (The Bell), Nashe otechestvo (Our Fatherland), Shturmovik (Storm Trooper), Chernaya sotnya (Black Hundreds), Russkiye vedomosti (Russian News), Russky vestnik (Russian Messenger), Veche roda (Council of the Race), and Krasnoyarskaya gazeta (Krasnoyarsk Gazette), and the journals Kuban, Molodaya gvardiya (Young Guard), Nash sovremannik (Our Contemporary), Rusich and Ataka.
C. Skinheads
Recently the world 'skinhead' occupies a leading place in the headlines of every day's news. On October 14th, 2004, in the outskirts of Moscow, a group of youth gave chase to two workers from Uzbekistan and beat them up shouting out: 'Russia to the Russians!'
According to the report of Interior Ministry of Russia in May 2003, there are about 20000 skinheads in Russia and the largest number lives in St. Petersburg, 5000, and folloved by Moscow, 2500. They belong to 70 different groups. However, according to the Moscow Bureau of Human Rights and Center of New Sociology and Studies of Practical Politic 'Phoenix', there are more than 50000 skinhead in Russia.
Skinheads first appeared in Russia in the early 1990s. Like other youth subcultures (hippies, punks, bikers etc.), they came from the West. Moscow, St. Petersburg and Nizhni Novgorod became the centers for their movments.
Russian political scientists believe that skinhead movement in Russia has flourished for two reasons: economic crisis and the collapse of the system of education and upbringing.
There are four such skinhead organizations in Moscow: 'Skinlegion,' 'Blood&Honor' - Russian affiliate,' United Brigades 88,' and 'Russian Aim'. Interestingly there is a small group of Nazi-skinhead feminists, the 'Russian Girls'. St. Petersburg has its own gangs, such as 'Russian First', while there is the 'North' group in Nizhni Novgorod and the 'White Bears' in Yaroslavl.
Moscow Bureau of Human Rights stated, on 21 October 2004, that the number of ethnically motivated crimes raises 100 to 150 cases each year, but only two or three persons are sentenced. Ethnically motivated crimes are usually qualified as hooliganism. The Skinheads are targeting at the peoples from the Caucasus, Asians, and Africans. As a result of attacks on students from these regions, these students have started to leave the cities or even Russia. Synagogues and mosques or even universities are also common targets of attacks. On 13 November 2003, two mosques were set ablaze in western Russia. In the same month, 38 people died from a fire at the People's Friendship University.
There also exist the links between Russian skinhead movements and foreign neo-Nazis from the USA, Germany, and Austria exist to share their experiances.
The journal Pod nol (Below Zero), the only exclusively neo-Nazi skinhead publication in Russia, is published in Moscow.
D. The Rne And The Ldpr
II. The RNE and Barkashov
Barkashov, born in 1953, comes from a working class background. He failed to complete his secondary education and worked as an electrician before entering politics. He began his political carrier as a member of the Russian nationalist society Pamyat in the mid-1980s. In 1987 he was elected to the Pamyat Central Council. In 1990 he left it.
On October 1990 he and his a few dozen followers (former Pamyat members) decided to found the Russian National Unity. At the federal level it was not registered but it did at some provincial and city levels. It was officially registered as a public organization in more than 30 Russian regions.
While 'the restoration of Russia as a nation state and the rebirth of the Russian Nation' was determined as the goal and main slogan as 'Glory for Russia'; the party symbol was the left swastika or Kolovrat.
Its ideology was a mixture of national socialism, pagan symbolism, and Russian Orthodoxy. There is also attribution to Slavic history and reference to Sanskrit and Buddhist philosophy. So the members tried to show themselves as 'Spiritual Warriors'. Barkashov also said that: 'We are not politicians, we are in sprit Warriors, Warriors of Rus'.
The RNE program called for the establishment of a greater Russian state encompassing the Russian Federation, Ukraine, and Belarus, within which ethnic-Russian rule will be assured. An authoritarian, dictatorial order in Russia was presupposed to ensure the subordination of all individual and minority interest to the needs of the Russian nation. For the RNE, a nationalities policy was naturally of central importance in ensuring the supremacy of the Russian nation. According to this policy non-Slavic indigenous peoples will have a place in the new Russia. They were to be represented in the state bodies and in social institutions in proportion to their share in the population, an to be granted a measure of cultural, but not political or territorial, autonomy.
It was presupposed a mixed economy within which the state will exercise control over 'vital branches' and hold land and national resources as in alienable property.
The RNE's newspaper Russian Order (Russkij Porjadok) was outlawed in 1997. And then New System (Novaya Systema) has been published. It is also full of pseudo-scientific material. For example series of articles were published about American meat produced with hormones, claiming that men who eat this meat get female breasts and high-pitched voices. Another newspaper of the party was the Russian Banner (Russky Styag). At the same time, encouragement of high birth rate among Russians or guarding the health and genetic purity of the Russian nation are some other concerns of the party.
In 1994 Barkashov's book 'ABC of Russian Nationalism' was published and each member is given the book. He has identified two centers of hostile powers; the Western center headed by the United States and dominated by the Jewish financial oligarchy, and the Eastern center, which includes China, India and Japan. The threat from the East has been mostly embodied in the Chinese and the Muslim peoples of the Caucasus and Central Asia. Barkashov has often expressed his admiration for Adolf Hitler. So he interpreted the war as a tragic misunderstanding between two fraternal nations, caused by the provocation and manipulation of the Jews. He has also denied Christ had been a Jew.
The RNE had a rigid castelike structure. Members and followers were divided into four categories: chief comrades-in-arms, comrades-in-arms, supporters, and sympathizers.
The most important and only action of the party was during Yeltsin's October 1993 confrontation with the Duma, in which Barkashov and approximately 100 RNE members formed the core of the armed defenders of the Russian White House and the alternative government under vice president Aleksandr Rutskoi. At the end Barkashov was arrested, imprisoned and then amnestied.
However there are also some reports on the existence of secret RNE documents that state that all Jews and Gypsies were to be killed. The alternative of forcing all Jews to leave the country was rejected by Barkashov on the grounds that it will only strengthen Jewry abroad, thereby increasing external threat to Russia.
As another distinctive characteristic, the RNE received material support from state structures, in particular from sympathetic regional administrations and from the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The RNE's military patriotic clubs worked with the support of, and close cooperation with, the official military authorities at all levels. The cooperation between the RNE and armed forces in this field was quite open and legitimized by reference to presidential decree 727, signed by Boris Yeltsin, on May 16, 1996: 'On Measures of State Support for Public Organizations Carrying Out Work for the Military-Patriotic Education of Youth' The RNE also succeeded in developing close relations of cooperation with the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Here again its activity did not contravene the law, the RNE was able to take advantage of the institution of volunteer police auxiliaries, the Voluntary People's Militia or Patrol. By the way, with the pretext of catching illegal migrants, RNE squads were beating up and detaining 'blacks' and 'persons of Caucasian nationality'. They might also extort regular payments from non-Russian traders 'for the right to breathe Russian air'. Some RNE members have been prosecuted for such crimes as theft, extortion, illegal trade in arms, the violent takeover of businesses, and murder.
On the other hand, the party mainly complained about its persecution by the authorities that, in 1999, banned it in Moscow.
In any situation, the greatest strongholds of the movement appear to have been the following:
-The Russian northern Caucasus; the Stravropol Territory, the Krasnodar Territory and Rostor Province;
-Voronesh city and province in western Russia; and
-Moscow Province (as district from Moscow City), especially the eastern and southeastern part of the province.
Consequently if we want to show clearly some specialties of the party such a definition can be made:
Strengths of the RNE:
1. A relatively large, disciplined, and centralized organization.
2. The suppert of a sizable portion of Russia's male urban youth.
3. The penetration of various government structures, especially the army, the MIA, and the certain regional administrations.
4. Substantial material assets.
5. A significant military potential.
Weakness of the RNE:
1. Latent internal divisions
2. An uneven geographical distribution of support.
3. A continuing absence of broad support within the trade union movement, among the intelligentsia, and the adult public in general.
On 21 September, four days after RNE members attacked a Jewish school in Ryazan, the leaders of sixteen local RNE groups held a crisis meeting in Moscow, at which they accused Barkashov of wrecking the organization. On 23 September Barkashov's deputy, Oleg Kassin, was proclaimed leader of a new national patriotic movement, Russian Regeneration (Russkoje Vozrozhdenije). Barkashov's Moscow-based RNE has continued its existence as less powerful.
The leaders of the new movement plan to continue with the RNE's program but will concentrate more on the values of the Russian Orthodox Church. (12-1)
II. The LDPR and Zhirinovsky
Zhirinovsky is a long-time KGB operative, half-Jewish, and speaks fluent Turkish. He was born in Alma -Ata, in Kazakhstan.
The LDPR was created in December 1989 as Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union and it was the first political party to offer itself as an alternative to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Especially the surprising success in Duma elections of December 1993 with about the quarter of the votes made him and his party effective players in the Russian politics. The LDPR remains, after the CPRF, the party with second largest membership about tens of thousands and the second most extensive network of local branches.
Zhirinovsky has always been in full control of the party, one of the publications of the party is 'Zhirinovsky's Truth'[Pravda Zhirinovskogo], while the members of the LDPR youth organization are 'Zhirinovsy's falcons' [sokoly Zhirinovskogo].
He is interpreted in three ways: firstly, there are some who accept him as a liberal democrat or more precisely a national liberal or imperial liberal. Second there are those for whom he is a fascist but employs liberalism as a camouflage. Third, some others consider him unprincipled opportunist and populist, without real convictions of any kind.
Except rights of minorities he and his party accept the liberal principles like rule of law, constitutionalism, individual freedom, private initiative, social justice, the social market economy, reason, progress, republicanism, secularism and multi party democracy. However they are not enough and there are other things that prevent to regard him as liberal. Zhirinovsky has xenophobia, he is hostile to Jews and people from the Caucasus, he has harsh invective against the west, which he accuses of deliberate genocide of the Russian people, and he had expansionist foreign policy ambitions in a popular fascist sense. But at the same time he lacks a definite ideological orientation; uses different methods to win votes, raise funs and acquire influence. Additionally as an opportunist, he has no fixed convictions, no coherent logic in his writings and speeches. It is also claimed that Zhirinovsky, who is a half-Jewish, not to lose support of 'Russian nationalist', has used even anti-Semitism. Perhaps because of all these complications in his stance, many have questioned his sanity.
In spite all of these, it is necessary to observe him and his party in detail because of the important place he has in the Russian politics. For example, in fact he is not hostile to the West as a civilization, he is hostile to the grouping of Western powers that stand opposed to Russia's national and imperial interests. He, like Peter the great and Lenin, is a Westernizer against the West. He has often stated that, in contrast to the ultra-rights, the LDPR ask no questions about an individual's ancestry, accepting as a Russian anyone who so considers him or herself.
On the issue of geopolitics there is a certain overlap between his worldview and that of classical fascism when he mentions territorial division of the world according to spheres of influence. But at the same time he has made an effort to distinguish the ideology of the LDPR clearly from fascism. He condemns German national socialism and takes pride in the role that Russia played in saving the world from Nazism.
Although Zhirinovsky has supported the Kremlin on most significant issues, since his party entered the Duma, it has moved further to the political center. Furthermore, after September 11, Zhirinovsky made declarations indicating that Russia's place is with northern civilization, together with the USA, Canada, and the European Union. He goes further and mentions about a North Atlantic state composed of the US and the RF in 20-30 years. As another important development, before the last presidential elections, at the 15th LDPR congress, Zhirinovsky declared that he was not to be a candidate. Because of these last movements both ultra-nationalists and other opposition groups to the government have criticized him.
Finally as S. Shenfield stated, 'although the LDPR is not a fascist party, it does contain strong fascist tendencies…the massive propaganda of The LDPR has not embodied a coherent fascist ideology, but it has help to familiarize the Russian public with certain ideas characteristic of fascism.'
III. Comparison of the Policies of the RNE and the LDPR
The most popular and effective 'politicians', Zhirinovsky and Barkashov with their parties-although in different arenas of activity, have been viewed as the representatives of the same ideology; fascism in Russia. However there have always existed many differences between them and their parties in spite of some similarities.
First and also main difference between the Barkashov's RNE and Zhirinovsky's LDPR is that the RNE has determined the Russian primarily on the basis of racial descent rather than on that of language, culture, self-ascription or loyalty to the Russian state like the LDPR. Thus it can be said that the patriotism of Zhirinovsky and the LDPR has been primarily a state, and only secondarily an ethnic, patriotism. In the same context, while nationalism of Zhirinovsky has been characterized as imperial, Barkashov has followed an ethnic nationalism in the creation of an Eurasian empire.
On the other hand, Barkashov shared an idea with Zhirinovsky that the Russian state would be organized into traditional guberniia and no autonomous territorial formations would be permitted. In this issue, policy of the RNE with regard to the post-Soviet states has been similar with that of Zhirinovsky's LDPR.-reannexation of these states by military means if necessary, although their emphasize on the importance of ethnicity in this process is different.
Another common point for these two party has occurred in determination of enemies; the West and Jews are seen as the main enemies of Russia by the two but again in different degrees as stated in detail before.
The LDPR has had a strong orientation toward electoral activity, in sharp contrast to militarized movement of Barkashov's RNE. However, the LDPR, like the RNE, has also run youth clubs at which teenage boys not only plat soccer and undergo political indoctrination, but also receive military training. Consequently violence and intimidation
as well as electoral campaigning have a place in the LDPR's strategy.
However unlike the LDPR, the RNE took the form of paramilitary, semi-secret order rather than an orthodox political party like the LDPR. The RNE is the largest of the paramilitary, fascist-style parties and groups, and only the RNE has devoted such a proportion of its resources to building up its potential for directed violence, while the LDPR has only sponsored paramilitary auxiliaries. On the other hand the RNE agenda almost entirely lacks the populist character of Zhirinovsky and his LDPR.
On the issue of foreign relations, the LDPR does not have direct top-level links with unambiguously fascist groups like the RNE , on the contrary, it has intended to have link with international liberal organizations.
While Zhirinovsky has been defined populist and opportunist in the sense that he has acted according to realities of the situation, the RNE gives more importance to the spiritual over the material, and symbols as left-handed swastika that is believed to have special powers. Therefore the RNE publications have described Zhirinovsky as an ersatz nationalist of Jewish origin, engaged in a secret campaign to discredit Russian nationalism.
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